I came across this passage in Vipul Singh's interesting book, Speaking Rivers: Environmental History of A Mid-Ganga Flood Country, 1540-1885.
"In consequence of the frequent changes which take place in the channels of the principal rivers that intersect the territories immediately to the presidency of Fort William and the shifting of the sands which lie in the beds of those rivers chars or small islands are often thrown up by alluvion in the midst of the stream, or near one of the banks and large portions of land are carried away by an encroachment of the river on one side, whilst accession of land are at the same time, or in subsequent years gained by dereliction of the water on the opposite side;... the lands gained from the rivers or sea by the means above mentioned are a frequent source of contention and affray,and although the law and customs in the country have established rules applicable to such cases these rules not being generally known, The Courts of Justice have sometimes found it difficult to determine the rights of litigant parties claiming chars or other land gained in the manner above described".
It is a section of the preamble of The Bengal Alluvion and Diluvion Regulation of 1825 which the East India Company passed to assure a regular income from Diara lands.
Diara land are ephemeral parcels of land that accrete to river banks or emerge in the middle of the river channel by sediment deposition. They can disappear in a decade or so as a major flood cuts away the river bank or erodes an island, only for newer land to appear elsewhere along this meandering fluid riverine landscape.
The satellite imagery covering the region between Patna in the west to Munger in the east forms the heart of this mid -Ganga floodplain.
Diara lands were traditionally farmed by landless peasants for the few months of the year that they were above water and then abandoned during monsoon inundation. There was no concept of ownership of these lands. The East India Company in its quest to maximize land revenue decided to regulate ownership of the Diara. It didn't always work in practice. Zamindars were reluctant to report the ground situation accurately and maps became outdated as topography and landscapes shifted quickly. Diara lands remained and still are a source of dispute.
Fascinating is the struggle outlined in the book of two long lasting empires with this river system. Before the Mughals, the Afghan ruler Sher Shah Suri occupied this region and had adapted to the capricious environment to his advantage. The Mughals though faced a different problem. Their power center was far to the west in Delhi and Agra. Carrying grains and goods from Bihar to Agra-Delhi using pack animals wasn't possible, since the expenses of feeding these animals would have left very little surplus. Being children of the Eurasian steppe, they preferred the horse and land transport, and that meant that they were unable or unwilling to develop a river navigation network on a commercial scale. The direction of river flow also worked against them. Sailing goods-laden boats upstream was challenging, especially as Vipul Singh points out, the Ganga upstream of Varanasi becomes difficult to negotiate. As a result the Mughals could never exploit or control this region fully.
The British though found the river to their liking. The Grant of Dewani of Bengal, which the East India Company won in 1765, extended to the mid Ganga floodplains. The Company's main port lay downstream in Calcutta and their major markets across the seas in China and Europe. Using their expertise in navigation they soon set up a thriving trade in saltpetre, calico, opium and silk. Slowly, they also began imposing a linear topography on these curving meandering rivers. The building of embankments, canals, and barrages was thought necessary to control the inundation that could lead to a loss of a cropping season. The various Regulations and Acts meant to ensure a permanent and uninterrupted stream of revenue ended up changing the people's interaction with the river.
These land regulations, beginning with the Permanent Settlement of 1793, entrenched the power of hereditary Zamindars who became Company rent collecting agents. It became especially hard for the landless to eke out a living as they saw even the ephemeral parcels of Diara which they had been farming now being allocated to the nearest Zamindar and his tenants. Large scale flood control projects carried out by Zamindars and encouraged by Company revenue officers began reshaping the ecology of the floodplains with embankments preventing floods in one region but exacerbating them on the opposite side or in downstream areas. Embankments also prevented smaller local streams from draining into the larger rivers, resulting in the water-logging of fields. Praveen Singh in The colonial state, zamindars and the politics of flood control in north Bihar (1850-1945), details how a web of social and economic interests spurred on this construction spree despite warnings from irrigation engineers about the detrimental effects of embankments.
Vipul Singh also emphasizes the linkage between physical processes and cultural evolution. A unique Bihari regional identity
emerged based on the homogeneous ecology, similar agrarian practices and a shared reverence for the Ganga.
The Ganga of the plains is a turbid river. It transports several hundred million tons of sediment to the Delta. In this section of Bihar, it is joined by the Sone from the
south and the Ghaghara, the Gandak and the Kosi from the north. The Kosi
and the Gandak are especially sediment rich, carrying a suspended
sediment load of 80 million
tons per year and 43 million tons per year respectively. All this sediment is what makes this region special. A significant
fraction of it gets deposited every year in the river channel
and its floodplains. Over time, the Ganga and its tributaries have built vast alluvial deposits, through which the river finds its way, often getting choked on its own sediment, and then breaking free by cutting a new path for itself. This abundance of
water and sediment has formed a complex fluvial ecosystem of meandering
channels, river islands, abandoned courses, oxbox lakes, ponds, and
wetlands. The organic rich silt deposited across floodplains by the
rivers during monsoon inundation nourishes multiple crops. Life's daily rhythms became embedded in this ecology and its inhabitants evolved farming practices adapted to the changing tune of the environment.
There was
linguistic pride too, not in one common 'Bihari' language, but in the
various dialects spoken 'eh /e paar' and 'oh o paar'; this side of the Ganga
and on the other side. Bhojpuri was the dialect of the Champaner area
north of the Ganga, while to its east on the north side was spoken
Maithili. In the Patna region on the south side was Magahi and towards
the east near about Munger was Angika. These vernaculars with their
common folk tales, poetry, and myths about deities, changing seasons, local plants and animals, and the Ganga, knitted the
region together, away from the pull of the Delhi-Agra-Awadhi influence which lay to the west and the Bengali cultural sphere towards the east.
Magh ke garmi, Jeth ke jar
Pahila pani bhar gail tar,
Ghag kahen ham hoban jogi,
Kuan ka pani dhoihen dhobi.
[Heat in Magh (January-February), cold in Jeth (May-June),and the tanks filled with the first fall of rain, are the signs of drought. Ghagh says that I will become a beggar, and the washer-men will wash with well-water.]
This is a gem of a book. Highly recommended reading!